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[[III]]

Publications of the
Anthropological Society of London.

THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL TREATISES OF
BLUMENBACH
and
HUNTER.

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[[IV]]
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[titlePage_recto]

THE
ANTHROPOLOGICAL TREATISES

of
JOHANN FRIEDRICH BLUMENBACH,LATE PROFESSOR AT GÖTTINGEN AND COURT PHYSICIAN
TO THE KING OF GREAT BRITAIN.

WITH MEMOIRS OF HIM BY MARX AND FLOURENS,
AND AN ACCOUNT OF HIS ANTHROPOLOGICAL MUSEUM BY
PROFESSOR R. WAGNER,
AND
THE INAUGURAL DISSERTATION OF JOHN HUNTER, M.D.
ON THE VARIETIES OF MAN.

TRANSLATED AND EDITED
FROM THE LATIN, GERMAN, AND FRENCH ORIGINALS, by
THOMAS BENDYSHE, M.A., V.P.A.S.L.
FELLOW OF KING’S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.

LONDON:
PUBLISHED FOR THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, BY
LONGMAN, GREEN, LONGMAN, ROBERTS, & GREEN.
1865.
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[VII]

EDITOR’S PREFACE.

The Works of Blumenbach edited in this volume are the first
and third or last edition of his famous Treatise On the Na-
tural Variety of Mankind;
which were published in 1775 and
1795 respectively: the Contributions to Natural History, in two
parts; and a slight notice of three skulls which appeared in
the Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen of Nov. 1833, only remark-
able for being the last printed utterance of the author. Two
Memoirs of Blumenbach have been prefixed, which contain
together almost everything of interest concerning the circum-
stances of his life. I have also added an account of his ones
famous anthropological collection, written by his successor, now
himself lately deceased, Professor Rudolph Wagner, one of
the original Honorary Fellows of the Anthropological Society,
London.
Blumenbach has related in the little autobiographical frag-
ment, which has been incorporated by Marx in his memoir,
the causes which led to his selection of an anthropological
subject as the thesis for his doctoral dissertation. It was
delivered in 1775, and reprinted word for word in 1776. A
second edition, enlarged by as much as would make about
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[VIII]
fifteen printed pages uniform with this translation, was issued
in 1781; and finally a third in 1795, which in arrangement
and matter was almost a new work. I hesitated some time
as to which of the two first editions it would be most satis-
factory to give to the public; for, on the one hand, the first
is obviously most interesting for the history of the science,
and the additional matter contained in the second has scarce
any intrinsic value in the present day; but, on the other hand,
in the first mankind is divided into four races only, and the
now famous division of the Caucasian, Asiatic, American,
Ethiopian, and Malay races, occurs for the first time in the
edition of 1781.
To give them both in their entirety would have perhaps
been less troublesome to myself, but certainly tedious to the
reader, for not only are the Plates the same, but much the
greater part of the second edition is a mere repetition. At
last I determined to use the first as my text, and appended in
a note the important pentagenist arrangement. Accordingly
the translation has been made from the reprint of 1776, which
differs in the title-page alone, and that I have taken from the
copy in the British Museum. The preface To the Reader has
been omitted as of no value. But this is not the case with
the Letter to Sir Joseph Banks, which forms the preface to
the third edition of 1795, and contains a system of natural
history, with appendices giving an account of Blumenbach’s
Collection as it then was.
The Contributions to Natural History consists of two parts;
the first of which went through two editions. The first in
1790, and the second, from which the translation is made, in
1806. The second part appeared in 1811. That part in the ori-
ginal is composed of two sections; the first upon Peter, the Wild
Boy, and wild boys in general: and the second on Egyptian
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[IX]
mummies. This latter essay, as may be supposed, is considerably
behind the knowledge of the present day, and though in it,
as well as in that written by Blumenbach in English and
printed in the Philosophical Transactions of 1794, he had
observed the varieties in the national character of the
Egyptian mummies and artistic representations, yet the whole
essay has been pronounced lately by a competent writer to
be “in some sort not worthy of that great authority
Perier (J. A. N.), Sur l’ethnogenie Egyptienne. Mém. de la Soc. de l’Anthro-
pologie de Paris,
Tom. 1. p. 443.
.”
The
fact that the incisors of the mummies resembled in shape the
molar teeth was thought by Blumenbach to be a discovery
of much greater importance than modern writers are willing
to allow. I have therefore come to the conclusion that it is
not worth while to edit this part of the Contributions, especi-
ally as it is quite distinct by itself, and has no immediate bear-
ing on general anthropology.
The treatise On the Natural Variety of Mankind cannot be
considered obsolete even at the present day. All subsequent
writers, including Lawrence, Prichard, Waitz, &c., have ac-
knowledged their obligations and proved them, especially Law-
rence, by borrowing largely from it. “Blumenbach may still
be considered a chief authority,”
says Waitz
p. 29. Eng. Trl. by J. F. Collingwood. 8vo. Lond. 1863.
. And his classi-
fication of mankind, though avowedly neither final nor rigidly
scientific, has survived a very considerable number of preten-
tious improvements, and still holds its ground in the latest
elementary text-books of ethnology
See Page D. Introductory Text Book of Physical Geography, p. 178, Edinb.
and Lond. 1863, 12mo.
. “The illustrious natu-
ralist, in whom, after Buffon, we ought to acknowledge the
father of anthropology, has made two important advances in
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[X]
that science, in his views on the classification of races. Although
he continued to place at the head of all the characteristics that
derived from, colour, Blumenbach is the first who founded his
classification in great part on those presented by the general
conformation of the head, so different in different races, as to
the proportion of the skull to the face, and of the encephalon
to the organs of sense and the jaws. This progress led also
to a second. It is because Blumenbach attributed a great
importance to that order of characteristics; it is because he was
the first who devoted himself to determine exactly, by the
assistance of a great number of observations, the essential
elements which distinguished the types of man that he was
also the first who made a very clear distinction of several
races in which it is impossible to fail of recognizing so many
natural groups. Thus it has happened that these races, after
having been once introduced into science by Blumenbach,
have been retained there; and we may assert that they will
always be retained, with some rectifications in their charac-
teristics and in their several boundaries. But are the five
races of Blumenbach the only ones possible to distinguish in
mankind? And if all the five must be considered as natural
groups, is it proper to place them in the same rank, and allow
them all the same zoological value? Blumenbach himself did
not think this.
“In the first place his five races are not the only ones whose
existence he is disposed to admit; but what is very different,
the five principal ones. Varietates quinae principes, says Blu-
menbach in his treatise On the Varieties of Mankind. He uses
the same expression in his Representations. The unequal im-
portance of these races in a zoological point of view, is also, at
least by implication, admitted by Blumenbach. Of the five
races there are three which he considers above all as the princi-
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[XI]
pal races; and therefore he deals with those first. These are
the Caucasian, which is not only for Blumenbach the most
beautiful, and that to which the pre-eminence belongs, but the
primitive race; then, the Mongolian and Ethiopian, in which
the author sees the extreme degenerations of the human species.
As to the other races, they are only for Blumenbach, transitional:
that is, the American is the passage from the Caucasian to
the Mongolian; and the Malay, from the Caucasian to the
Ethiopian. These two races are put off till the last, instead of
being treated of intermediately, as they ought to be, if they
were not considered as divisions of an inferior rank.
“It is apparent that Blumenbach was more or less aware of
three truths whose importance no one can dispute in anthropo-
logical taxinomy, that is to say, The plurality of races of man;
the importance of the characteristics deduced from the confor-
mation of the head; and the necessity of not placing in the
same rank all the divisions of mankind, which bear the common
title of races, in spite of the unequal importance of their anato-
mical, physiological, and let us also add, psychological charac-
teristics
Is. Geoffroy-Saint-Hilaire, Classification Anthropologique. Mém. de la Soc.
d’Anthrop. de Paris,
Tom. 1. p. 129 sq.
.”
This criticism taken from one of the latest essays of a most
distinguished modern naturalist and anthropologist will relieve
me from the arduous task of passing this work of Blumenbach
in review. The Contributions as is pointed out by M. Flourens
is altogether a production of a lighter kind. It contains many
curious observations, and though its geological theories are long
since obsolete, the chapters on anthropological collections and
on the Negro may still be read with considerable interest.
Lawrence has largely borrowed from the last in his lectures on
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[XII]
the Natural History of Man. The history of Peter the Wild Boy
has, so far as I know, never been translated into English in its
entirety, but all that has been said of him and the other wild
men there mentioned has been borrowed from Blumenbach.
I had at one time intended to edit the Decades Craniorum, a
book now become somewhat scarce. Inquiries were made by the
President and Publishing Committee of the Anthropological
Society as to the probable expense which would be incurred in
reproducing the 65 plates of which that work is composed. The
results showed that such an undertaking would be beyond the
present means of the Society; and an opinion was also expressed
by some who are worthy of all attention in such a matter that
more typical, characteristic, and hitherto undelineated skulls
scattered about in the different English Museums should have a
preference, in case such an outlay as the publication of so many
crania with their descriptions should at any time be seriously
contemplated. Whilst I do not for a moment doubt the wisdom
of the decision, or deny the expediency of preferring hitherto
inedited materials, I still think that if the present possessors
of the Blumenbachian Collection could be induced to join not
only in furnishing entirely fresh drawings of the skulls contained
in it, but also in publishing the very minute and accurate
descriptions, certificates, and documents relating to each particu-
lar one, which form by no means the least instructive portion of
the inedited remains of Blumenbach, the result would not only
be a great stimulus to those international exertions without
which the science of Anthropology cannot hope to make the
progress so much to be desired for it, but would also confer the
greatest credit on the Societies which might be principally con-
cerned in carrying out such an undertaking. With respect to
the last utterance of Blumenbach, which has been extracted
from the Göttingen Magazine, I am indebted to Professor
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[XIII]
Marx for the following information. “The Spicilegium was not
printed. It had been the intention of Blumenbach to work out
in greater detail the short lecture which was read at the session
of the 3rd August, 1833, but he did not fulfil it. Therefore the
short notice in the 177th number of the Göttingische Gelehrte
Anzeigen,
for 1S33, is the only communication on that point
that we have of his.”
The Memoir of Prof. Marx has been previously translated
in the Edinburgh New Philosophical Magazine, but many in-
teresting details about the Life and habits of Blumenbach were
omitted. It was made great use of by M. Flourens, as he acknow-
ledges; but since his own memoir contains many original details
and remarks from an independent point of view, I have thought
it would be equally acceptable.
A singular mistake has however, been made by M. Flourens,
both in this memoir, and in his larger book
Hist. des travaux et des idées de Buffon, p. 169, second ed. Paris, 1850,
12mo.
on Buffon, which I
cannot help pointing out. The reader will probably observe
that he gives as the title of Blumenbach’s book The Unity of
the Human Genus,
which is obviously wrong. This would be of
no importance; but in the work above referred to we have this
reflexion: “Nothing promotes clearness of ideas so much as
precision in the use of words. Blumenbach wrote a book to
prove the unity of the human species
De l’unité du genre humain et de ses variétés, Trad. Franc. Paris, 1804.
, and entitled it On the
Unity of the Human Genus;
now, a genus is made up of species,
a species only of varieties. Buffon writing on the same subject,
and putting before himself the same object, said excellently,
Varieties in the Human Species.”
Blumenbach never once gave as a title, The Unity, &c.; and
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notwithstanding the elaborate ingenuity of M. Flourens as to the
word genus, I have preferred to translate the Latin words
humanum genus, by the ambiguous, and as I believe correct
expression, mankind.
I have thought the reader would prefer for many reasons to
find each of the several treatises in this volume with an exact
copy of its original title-page prefixed. Those which had no title-
page have still one made up of that of the periodical, and the
heading prefixed to each in its original form of publication.
M. Flourens had appended to his Memoir a list of some of
Blumenbach’s works. A much more perfect one, with notices of
many of their translations, and of the different portraits and en-
gravings taken of Blumenbach at various periods of his life, is
to be found in Callisen (A. C. P. von), Medicinisches Schriftsteller-
Lexicon,
B. II. pp. 346-356. 1830. Copenhagen, 12mo. As
will be observed it occupies ten pages, and therefore is far too
long for insertion here, yet is still neither quite complete nor
quite correct.
The treatise of John Hunter, delivered in. June 1775, has
been added. It will be interesting to compare it with the
contemporaneous effort of Blumenbach. But to enter into
the question why the study of anthropology never became
popular in Edinburgh, whilst it continued to be cultivated
in Göttingen, would carry us beyond the limits of a Preface.
King’s College, Cambridge.Jan. 1, 1865.
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[XV]

CONTENTS.

  • Editor’s PrefacePage VII
  • Memoir of J. F. Blumenbach by Prof. Marx1
  • " " " M. Flourens47
  • On the Natural Variety of Mankind, ed. 1775 65
  • " " " third ed. 1795 145
  • Contributions to Natural History, Part. I277
  • " " " " Part. II. 325
  • Remarks on an Hippocratio Macrocephalus341
  • An Account of the Blumenbachian Museum by Prof. Rudolph
    Wagner
    345
  • Inaugural Disputation on the Varieties of Man, by John
    Hunter, June,
    1775 357
  • Index of Subjects395
  • Index of Authors399
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[XVI]

ERRATA.

For Jesus Sirach, p. 35, read Jesus the son of Sirach.
... Mongoz Lemur, p. 90, read Lemur Mongoz.
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[1]

ZUM ANDENKEN
AN
JOHANN FRIEDRICH BLUMENBACH.

EINE GEDÄCHTNISS-REDE
GEHALTEN IN DER SITZUNG DER KÖNIGLICHEN SOCIETÄT
DER WISSENSCHAFTEN DEN 8 FEBRUAR, 1840.

VON
K. F. H. MARX.

[Abbildung: ]
GÖTTINGEN:
DRUCK UND VERLAG DER DIETERICHSCHEN BUCHHANDLUNG.
1840.
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[3]

LIFE OF BLUMENBACH
BY
K. F. H. MARX.

Though a very vivid and uneffaceable recollection of the man,
who has lately departed from our circle, can never cease to
dwell in us, still I may be permitted to sketch with a few
strokes a picture of his occupations and his personality, and in
that way to strew a flower upon the grave of him who in life
was honoured by all of us, but was especially dear to myself.
It was his happy lot to fulfil the office of instructor far
beyond the limits of the ordinary age of man, and to direct
the affairs of our society for a longer time than any one of
those here present can remember. For more than half a cen-
tury the most important events of this University are bound up
with his memory and his name; and the development of one of
the greatest and most important branches of science is essen-
tially involved with his undertakings, his accomplishments, and
the efforts he made to advance it.
He stood at last like a solitary column from out the ranks
of those who had shared his struggles and his enterprises, and
had trodden in the same path, or as an old-world pyramid, a
stimulating example to us juniors, how nature will sometimes
stamp her crowning seal on high mental powers, by adding to
them the firmness and long continuance of the outer form.
John Frederick Blumenbach was born at Gotha on the 11th
May 1752. His father was a zealous admirer of geography and
natural history, and lost no time in arousing a love for them
in his son. It will be convenient to insert here a note in his
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own handwriting, which I owe to the kindness of the departed,
upon the earliest incidents which happened to him while still
under the paternal roof, and his earliest promotion on his first
entrance into the great world; for it will tell a clearer talc than
if I were to turn it into an historical form.
“My father was born at Leipsig, and died at Gotha in 1787,
proctor and professor of the gymnasium
Besides the more considerable communication in the text Blumenbach has left
only a few scattered notices of his life. So far as these have come to my know-
ledge, I have made good use of them. He had an idea of composing his own
biography, and two passages, written by him in his pocket-book, seem to point to
this intention. “Many have written their own lives from feelings of sincerity
rather than of conceit.”
“Without favour or ambition, but induced by the reward
of a good conscience.”
. He owed his scientific
culture to two men especially, Menz and Christ, two Leipsig
professors of philosophy, and so, indirectly through him, they
contributed a great deal to my own. Amongst other things, he
owed to the first his love for the history of literature and for
the natural sciences, to the second his antiquarian and artistic
tastes. And so in this way I also acquired a taste and a love
for these branches of knowledge, which I never found to stand
in the way of my medical studies, to which in very early days
I had addicted myself from natural inclination, and sometimes
they were even in that way of great service.
“I began my academical career at Jena, and there I derived
nourishment for literature and book-lore from Baldinger, whilst
my relation, J. E. I. Walch, the professor of rhetoric, performed
the same office for me as to natural history and the so-called
archaeology. I went from there to Göttingen to fill up some
remaining gaps in my medical studies; and my old rector at
Gotha, the church-councillor Geisler, gave me a letter for Heyne.
As I was giving it to him, I showed him at the same time an
antique signet-ring, which I had bought when at school from
a goldsmith. Such a taste in a medical student attracted his
attention, and this little gem was the first step to the intimate
acquaintance which I subsequently enjoyed in so many ways
with that illustrious man.
“There resided then at Göttingen professor Chr. W. Büttner,
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an extraordinary man, of singularly extensive learning. He
had at one time been famous for the great number of lan-
guages he was skilled in, but had for many years given up
delivering lectures, and was then quite unknown to the stu-
dents. Just, however, about the time I came, the eldest son of
his friend and great admirer, our orientalist, Michaelis, had
then begun to study medicine; and his father had enjoined him
to do his best and get Büttner to deliver a lecture upon natural
history, which in old days he could do very well, and for which
he had a celebrated collection. Immediately on my arrival I
also was invited to the course, and as the hour was one I had
at my disposal, I put my name down, and so came to know the
whimsical but remarkable Büttner. The so-called lecture
became a mere conversation, where for weeks together not a
word was said of natural history. Still he had appointed as a
text-book the twelfth edition of the System of Nature; though
in the whole six months we did not get beyond the mammalia,
because of the hundred-and-one foreign matters he used to
introduce.
“He began with man, who had been passed over unnoticed
in his readings by Walch of Jena, and illustrated the subject
with a quantity of books of voyages and travels, and pictures
of foreign nations, out of his extensive library. It was thus I
was led to write as the dissertation for my doctorate, On the
natural variety of mankind;
and the further prosecution of this
interesting subject laid the foundation of my anthropological
collection, which has in process of time become everywhere
quite famous for its completeness in its way.
“In that very first winter, through Heyne’s arrangement,
the University undertook the purchase of Büttner’s collection
of coins and natural history. But in consequence of the unex-
ampled disorder, in which the natural objects had been let lie
utterly undistinguished from each other by this most unhandy
of men, he was first of all in want of an assistant to arrange
and get them ready for delivery. So Heyne said to him,
‘Don’t you give lectures on natural history? and haven’t you
got any one among your pupils whom you can employ for that?’

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[6]
‘That I have,’ said Büttner, and named me. ‘Ah, I know him
too;’
so the office of assistant was offered to me; and I gladly
undertook it without any fee, and found it most instructive.
“Sometime after, when everything had been handed over,
and the collection had found a temporary home in the former
medical lecture-room, the honourable minister and curator of
the University, von Lenthe, came to visit our institute, so these
things too had to be shown him, and as the worthy Büttner
did not seem quite fit to do it, I was hastily summoned, and
acquitted myself so well, that the minister directly he got
out took Heyne aside, and said, ‘We must not let this young
man go.’
I took my degree in the autumn of ’75, on the anni-
versary day of the University, and directly afterwards in the
ensuing winter I commenced, as private tutor, my first readings
on natural history, and during the same term, in February ’76,
was nominated extraordinary, and afterwards in November ’78,
ordinary professor of medicine.”
Such was Blumenbach’s very promising beginning. How he
progressed onwards in his scientific and municipal career, how
he became in 1784 member of this society, in 1788 aulic coun-
cillor, in 1812 perpetual secretary of the physical and mathe-
matical class of this society, in 1815 member of the library
committee, in 1816 knight of the Order of the Guelph, and in
the same year chief medical councillor, and in 1822 commander of
the Order, all that is so well known and so fresh, in everybody’s
recollection, that I need make no further mention of any of those
particulars.
Much more appropriate will it be to describe here the
direction he followed himself and also imparted to the sciences,
his activity as teacher, his relations to the exterior world, and,
in a few characteristic outlines, the principal features of his
personal appearance and character.
First of all it may fairly be asserted of Blumenbach, that he
it was especially, who in Germany drew the natural sciences
out of the narrow circle of books and museums, into the wide
cheerful stream of life. He made the results of his own per-
severing researches intelligible and agreeable to every educated
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[7]
person who was anxious for instruction, and understood very
well how to interest the upper classes of society in them, and
even to excite them. Taking a comprehensive view over the
whole domain of the exertions of natural science, he knew how
to select whatever could arouse or sharpen observation, to give
a clear prospect of what was in the distance, and to clothe the
practical necessities in a pleasing dress. This feeling and tact
for the common interest, this inclination for popular exposition
and easy comprehension was meantime no obstacle to his solid
progress. He laboured away on the most diverse departments
of his science with single and earnest application, and arrived at
results, which threw light on the darkest corners.
Equipped with classical knowledge, perpetually sharpening
and enriching his intellect with continuous reading, and kept in
lively intercourse with the first men of his day, he knew how
not only to look at the subjects of his attention from new points
of view, but also how to invest them with a worthy form of
expression and representation.
Besides, he looked upon every result either of his own
researches, or those of other people, as seed-corn for better
and greater disclosures. He busied himself unceasingly by
writing, conversation, and instruction in disseminating them,
and endeavouring to fix them in a productive soil. Thus it
came to pass, that he soon came to be regarded as the supporter
and representative of natural science, and collected crowds of
young men about him, and by words as well as deeds continued
to exercise an increasing influence upon the entire circle of
study for many decades of years.
Blumenbach soon became known to the Society of Sciences
as an industrious student of physic, and in the meeting of
the 15th January, 1774, he communicated
Götting. gel. Anzeigen, 1774, st. 13, s. 105-7. Blumenbach himself set little
store by this experiment; for be suspected that his friends might be too hasty in
considering the fact to be proved.
the remarkable dis-
covery he had made (which had been already done by Braun in
1759 at St. Petersburg) of how to freeze quicksilver.
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[8]
In 1784 he became member of this Society, and immediately
afterwards read his first paper On the eyes of the Leucoethiopians
and the movement of the iris
De oculis Leucoethiopum et iridis motu. Comment. Soc. R. Gött. Vol. VII. p.
29-62.
.
It was a happy chance, that his first literary work was con-
cerned with the races of men, and thus physical Anthropology
became the centre of the crystallization of his activity.
Few dissertations have passed through so many editions, or
procured their author such a wide recognition, as that On the
natural variety of mankind
De generis humani nativa varietate. 1st ed. 1775.
. It operated as an introduction to
the subsequent intermittent publication of the Decades
The first decade of his collection of skulls of different nations with illustrations
appeared in 1790 in Vol. X. of the Comment. Soc. &c. The last under the title,
Nova Pentas collectionis suoe craniorum diversarum gentium tanquam complementum,
priorum decadum exhibita in consessu societatis
8 Jul. 1826. Comment. recentior.
Vol. VI. p. 141-8. Comp. Gött. gel. Anz. 1826. st. 121, s. 1201-6.
, on the
forms of the skull of different people and nations, as well as
the foundation of a private collection
Comp. his paper On anthropological collections in the second edition of his
Beiträge zur Naturgeschichte 1806. Th. 1. s. 55-66.
. This was unique in its
way; and princes and the learned alike contributed to its forma-
tion by giving everything which could characterize the corporeal
formation and the shape of the skull in man. Blumenbach
used to call it his “Golgotha,” and though they do not often go
to a place of skulls, still the curious and the inquisitive of both
sexes came there to wonder and reflect.
Perhaps it is worth while remarking that the theme of this
earliest work of his youth was likewise that of his last scientific
writing, for after the 3rd August, 1833, on the exhibition
of an Hippocratic Macrocephalus before the Society, when he
communicated his remarks
Gött. gel. Anz. 1833, st. 177, s. 1761. [Edited in this volume. Ed.]
thereon, he came no more before
the public except to read a memoir upon Stromeyer, and to
say a few never-to-be-forgotten words at the festival meeting of
the centenarian foundation feast.
One of Blumenbach’s great endeavours was to illustrate the
difference between man and beast; and he insisted particularly
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upon the importance of the upright walk of man, and the
vertical line. He asserted the claims of human nature, as such,
to all the privileges and rights of humanity, for, without deny-
ing altogether the influence of climate, soil, and heredity, he
regarded them in their progressive development, as the imme-
diate consequences of civilization and cultivation. Man was to
him “the most perfect of all domesticated animals.” What he
might become by himself in his natural condition, without the
assistance of society, and what would be the condition of his
innate conceptions, he showed in his unsurpassable description
of the wild or savage Peter von Hameln
Beitr. zur Naturg. Th. II. s. 1-44.
. How the osseous
structure of the skull will approximate nearer and nearer to
the form of the beast, when unfortunate exterior circumstances
and inferior relations have stood in the way of the development
of the higher faculties, might be seen in his collection from the
cretin’s skull, which, not without meaning, lay side by side
by that of the orang-utan; whilst, at a little distance off, the
surpassingly beautiful shape of that of a female Georgian
attracted every one’s attention.
At the time when the negroes and the savages were still
considered as half animals, and no one had yet conceived the
idea of the emancipation of the slaves, Blumenbach raised his
voice, and showed that their psychical qualities were not inferior
to those of the European, that even amongst the latter them-
selves the greatest possible differences existed, and that oppor-
tunity alone was wanting for the development of their higher
faculties
Götting. Magazin, 1781, st. 6, s. 409-425, On the capacities and manners of
the Savages.
.
Blumenbach had no objection to a joke, especially when it
injured no one, or when the subject in hand could be elucidated
thereby, and with this view he wrote a paper on Human and
Porcine Races
Lichtenberg and Voigt, Magazin für das neueste aus der Physik, B. VI.
Gotha, 1789, st. I. s. 1.
.
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Man always was and continued to be his chief subject, not
from a transcendental point of view, which he gave up to the
philosophers and theologians, but man as he stands in the visible
world. Not only did he contribute essentially to his better
comprehension and treatment, but it was not very easy for any
one to surpass him in practical knowledge of men.
Natural history, not the description of nature, was the aim
he placed before him. With Bacon he considered that as the
first subject of philosophy. He understood how to indicate the
peculiarity of the subject with a few characteristic strokes; and
showed also how the inner
He worked long at a History of Natural History, but he never gave any of it
to the public. That he had reflected on the possibility of a Philosophy of Natural
History
may be seen, amongst other proofs, by a letter to Moll in his Communica-
tions,
Abth. I. 1819, s. 60.
properties, relations, and attributes
of the individual were connected with each other, and their
connexion and position to the whole. With this view he busied
himself actively on organic and also on animal nature. Nor
was he a stranger to the study of geology and mineralogy, as
is clear from De Luc’s letters
Magaz. für das neu. aus der Physik, B. VIII. st. 4. 1793. Comp. Gött. gel.
Anz.
1799, st. 135, s. 1348.
to Blumenbach, besides what he
himself communicated about Hutton’s theory of the earth, and
his paper on the impressions in the bituminous marl-slates at
Riegelsdorf
In Köhler’s bergmannisch. Journ. Freyberg, 1791, Jahrg. IV. B. I. s. 151-6.
Blumenbach proved that though they were the marks of a mammal, they were
not those of a child, and therefore no anthropoliths.
.
The name of Blumenbach must certainly be recorded
amongst those who have signally contributed through the
research and discovery of the traces of the old world to the
history of the condition of our earth and of its earliest inhabi-
tants. He, too, it was who, long before any others, prepared
a collection of fossils for the illustration and systematic know-
ledge of the remains of the preadamite times
The fossil genus Oxyporus, which is found in amber, and was represented by
Gravehoorst in Monographia Coleopterorum Micropterorum, Götting. 1806, 8vo. p.
235, exists also in Blumenbach’s collection. Speaking of the last, that author
says, “I wish Blumenbach would give us a description of the numerous insects
preserved in amber, which he possesses, and compare them with the allied insects
of the present day. His well-known genius for natural history, so long and so
justly famous, might furnish us with some well-weighed and sound hypothesis on
the origin and formation of amber.”
.
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In 1790 he wrote Contributions to the Natural History of the
Primitive World
Magaz. ib., E. VI. st. 4, s. 1-17.
. He devoted two papers before the society
to the remains with which he was acquainted of that oldest
epoch, principally from the neighbouring country
Specimen archaeologiae telluris terrarumque imprimis Hannoveranarum, 1801.
In den Comment. Vol. XV. p. 132-156. Spec. alterum, 1813. Vol. III. recent.
p. 3-24.
. He also
expressed an opinion upon the connection of the knowledge of
petrifactions with that of geology, thinking by that means a
more accurate knowledge of the relative age of the different
strata of the earth’s crust might be obtained
On the succession in time of the different Earth-catastrophes. Beitr. zur
Naturg.
2nd ed. 1806, Th. I. s. 113-123. One of the most competent judges on
this subject, namely, Link, in his work The Primeval World and Antiquity eluci-
dated by Natural Science,
which he dedicates to his teacher, says in the preface, that
the representation of the primeval world, as quite different from that of the pre-
sent, is due to the science of Blumenbach and Cuvier. To the same effect Von
Hoff, who is well entitled to a voice in this matter, expresses himself (Thoughts on
Blumenbach’s Services to Geology.
Gotha, 1862, s. 3.): “Amongst naturalists
Blumenbach is the first who assigned to a knowledge of petrifactions its true
position in the foundation of Geology. He considered them as the most necessary
helps to that study. He asserted with determination, that from a knowledge of
petrifactions, and especially from an acquaintance with the different position of
fossils, the most important results for the cosmogenical part of mineralogy might be
expected.”
, and he was the
first who set this branch of study going. On the occasion of a
Swiss journey he drew particular attention to those fossils,
whose living representatives are still to be found in the same
country, to those whose representatives exist, but in very dis-
tant regions of the earth, and to those of which no true repre-
sentative has yet been found in the existing creation
Lichtenberg and Voigt’s Mag. &c., 1788, B. V. s. 13-24.
. Later
on he elucidated the so-called fossil human bones in Guada-
loupe
Gött. gel. Anz. 1815, st. 177, s. 1753.
.
His views on opinions of that kind, as also on more compre-
hensive considerations, such as On the gradation in nature
Beitr. zur Naturg. 2nd ed. 1806, Th. I. s. 106-112.
, or,
On the so-called proofs of design
Ib. s. 123.
, generally like to abide within
the limits of experience, and the conclusions which may fairly
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be deduced therefrom. Brilliant hypotheses, subtle and imagi-
nary combinations, phantastic analogies, were not to his taste.
If it can be said of any scientific work of modern times,
that its utility has been incalculable, such a sentence must be
pronounced on Blumenbach’s Handbook of Natural History
It appeared first in 1779.
.
Few cultivated circles or countries are ignorant of it. It con-
tains in a small space a marvellous quantity of well-arranged
material, and every fresh edition
The publishers alone issued 12, the last in 1830, not including the re-issues
and the translations into almost all civilized languages.
announced the progress of its
author. Still in spite of the effort after a certain grade of
perfection the skill is unmistakeable, with which only the actual
is set forth; and with which by a word, or a remark, attention
is directed to what is truly interesting, agreeable, and useful,
and an incentive given to further study.
Not only did Blumenbach well know how to set out the
whole domain of this study in a simple, easily comprehensible
and transparent way, so as to utilize it for instruction; but he
also, by bringing to its assistance allied occupations, obtained
new points of view, and enlarged its boundaries.
His Contributions to Natural History
The first part appeared in 1790, the second in 1811. They contained the fol-
lowing essays: Part I. On variability in creation. A glance at the primeval
world. On anthropological collections. On the division of mankind into five
principal races. On the gradation in nature. On the so-called proofs of design.
Part 11. On the homo sapiens ferus. On the Egyptian mummies.
, and his ten numbers
of Representations of Subjects of Natural History
1796-1810.
, have by
interesting translations, prudent selection, and accuracy in hand-
ling the subjects, done profitable service in the extension and
foundation of this science. He took special pains to throw
light on doubtful questions, and to clear up overshadowing and
difficult undertakings in natural history from old monuments of
art
Specimen hist. nat. antiques artis operibus illustr. eaq. vicissim illustr., 1803.
Comment. Vol. XVI. p. 169-198.
, and the traditions of the poets
Sp. hist. nat. ex auctor class. praesertim poetis illustr. eosq. vic. illustr.,
1815. Comm. recent. Vol. III. p. 62-78. Comp. Gött. gel. Anz., 1815, st. 205,
s. 2033-2040.
. He looked on the migra-
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tions of animals and their appearance at different times, and
their wide dispersion in enormous numbers as a great, but not
necessarily insoluble riddle; and he contributed his mite also to
the future solution of this weighty question
De anim. colon. sive sponte migr., sive casu aut studio ab hom. aliors. transl.,
Comm. recent.
Vol. V. p. 101-116. Comp. Gött. gel. Anz., 1820, st. 57, s.
561-68.
.
Blumenbach was blamed somewhat here and there for fol-
lowing with little divergence the artificial classification of
Linnaeus. But this conservatism was not the consequence either
of convenience, or want of knowledge, but from the conviction
that the time for a natural system was not yet come. That he
felt the want of such a system is plain, because as early as
1775 he sketched out
Gött. gel. Anz. st. 147, s. 1257-1259.
an attempt at a natural arrangement of
the mammalia, according to which attention is paid not to
single, or a few, but to every outward mark of distinction, and
the whole organization of the animals.
His communications, On the Loves of Animals
Gött. Magaz. 1781, s. 93-107.
, and On the
Natural History of Serpents
Magaz. für das n. aus der phys., B. V. st. 1, 1788, s. 1-13.
, display not only the critical, but
the judicious observer. Manifold interest attaches to his re-
marks on the kangaroo
Ib. 1792, B. VII. st. 4, s. 19-24.
, which he kept for a long time alive in
his house, on the pipa
Gött. gel. Anz. 1784, st. 156, s. 1553-1555.
, and on the tape-worm
Ib. 1774, st. 154, s. 1313-1386.
.
Blumenbach was thoroughly penetrated with the truth, that
we are only then in a proper position to understand the appear-
ances of the present, when we attempt to clear up as far as
possible their condition in the beginning, and from early times
down to the present. He considered archaeology and history
not only as the foundations of true knowledge, but also as the
sources of the purest pleasures. He was not afraid of being
reproached with encroaching upon foreign ground
He approved of Seneca; “I often pass into the enemy’s camp, not as a
deserter, but as a spy.”
, for he knew
his own moderation: nor did he shrink from the trouble of
seeking and collecting, for he had too often had experience
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that though the roots of a solid undertaking may be bitter, the
fruit may be sweet. Besides he knew well how, by keeping
at a distance from useless distractions, and by internal collec-
tiveness and regulated arrangement of work, to bring together
in one much that lay widely separated.
Some years after he had written his paper On the Teeth of
the Old Egyptians, and on Mummies
Gött. Mag. 1780, Jahrg. 1. s. 109-139.
, he had an opportunity
during his stay in London on the 18th February, 1791, of
opening six mummies, and derived considerable reputation from
his communication
Philos. Trans. 1794. [The original MS. of this paper is in the library of the
Anthrop. Soc. of London. Ed.] His letter to Sir Joseph Banks was printed in
the third edition of the De Generis Hum. v. n. 1795. The subject is thoroughly
treated of by him in the Beitr. zur Naturg. Th. II. s. 45-144.
to Banks on the results he obtained there-
from. He took his part also in the opinion
Gött. gel. Anz. 1814, st. 200, s. 1993.
pronounced by the
Society of Sciences of that day on Sickler’s new method of
unfolding the Herculaneum manuscripts, which he had invented.
He showed that our granite answers to the syenite of Pliny
Ib. 1819, s. 1208. Blumenbach gave his views before in the second part of
the edition of Natural History in 1780, on the proper distinction of the kinds
of stones employed by the ancients.
.
He possessed a collection of ancient kinds of stone to illustrate
the history of the art of antiquity, on which account his opinion
was often consulted on the determination of doubtful antiques,
for example, those given out as such made of soap-stone
Gött. gel. Anz. 1811, s. 2050.
.
He had himself, principally with a view to natural history
and the varieties of man, a collection of beautiful engravings
and pictures, and set great store besides on the woodcuts in old
works which give representations of animals
Gött. Magaz. 1781, st. 4, s. 136-156.
, for in that way
the proper position of observing the art of that time is easily
arrived at. And so also he endeavoured to become better
acquainted with “the first anatomical wood-cuts,” and drew
attention to them, when otherwise they would have remained
quite unnoticed
Baldinger, Neues Mag. für Aerzte, 1781, B. III. s. 135-140.
.
After a careful comparison of the objects of ancient art, with
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which he was acquainted, his opinion
De veterum artificum, anatomicae peritiae laude limitanda, celebranda vero
eorum in charactere gentilitio exprimendo accuratione.
The treatise itself was never
printed, but on its contents comp. Gött. gel. Anz. 1823, st. 125, s. 1241.
was that we ought to be
chary in our praise of the anatomical knowledge of the artists
of antiquity, but that their accuracy in the representation of
characteristic expression had not been sufficiently appreciated.
In the history of literature Blumenbach emulated his origi-
nal and pattern, Albert Von Haller, whose acquaintance he had
made when studying at Göttingen, by sending to him at Berne
a book
Observationum anatomicarum collegii privati Amstelodamensis Pars altera.
Amst. 1673. 12mo.
, on the suggestion of Heyne, which Haller had men-
tioned in one of his works as unknown to him, and which he
had picked up at an auction
Haller’s answer is dated 28th March, 1775.
. Later in the day he often fur-
nished him with many additions and supplements to the already
published volumes of the Practical Medical Library
Baldinger’s N. Magaz. für Aerzte, 1780, B. II. s. 33.
.
Among the bibliographical labours of that great writer Blu-
menbach esteemed most highly the Bibliotheca Anatomica. In
his own pocket copy he wrote down especially all the volumes
and editions of it which were at that time to be found in the
royal library, and to the first volume he added a supplement.
He wrote a preface
Besides this perhaps scarcely any one was so wall acquainted with all the
writings of that most famous of Göttingen teachers an Blumenbach. He learnt
much from the collection of letters to and from Haller, for there he found, among
many other remarkable observations for the history of medicine, the mode of
curing deafness by piercing the tympanum. Gött. gel. Anz. 1806, st. 147, s. 1459.
to Haller’s Journal of Medical Litera-
ture,
in which his services as critic received their due.
However little value the body of physicians generally attach
to literary performances, still there is no doubt that most of
them are acquainted with Blumenbach’s Introduction to the
Literary History of Medicine
Theil. 2. Bern. 1790.
. With a prudent selection, pre-
cision, and brevity the whole field of medicine, quite up to the
end of the preceding century, is there described in a compre-
hensive survey
Introductio in historiam medicinae literariam, 1786.
.
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On the occasion of the fifty-year Jubilee of our Univer-
sity he brought together all the literary performances of the
medical professors of Göttingen in a catalogue
Synopsis systematica scriptorum, quibus inde ab inauguratione Academiae
Georgiae Augustas usque ad solemnia istius inaugurationis semisaecularia disciplinam
suam augere et ornare studuerunt professores medici Göttingenses,
1788.
, which had
equally the effect of serving as a memorial to them, and as
a cause of emulation to their successors.
He frequently celebrated the memorials of distinguished
men, especially in his Medical Library
B. I-III. 1783-1795.
, that almost insur-
passable journal, and then as secretary of our Society, in
which capacity ho worthily fulfilled this painful duty over his
departed colleagues, in the memorial orations over Richter
(1812), Crell (1816), Osiander (1822), Bouterwek (1828), Mayer
(1831), Mende (1832), and Stromeyer (1835).
His Honourable mention of Regimental-Surgeon Johann Ernst
Wreden
Annalen der Braunschw. Lüneb. Churlande. 1789, Jahrg. III. st. 2, s. 389-396.
is so far of importance for the history of the career of
medicine, as that long-forgotten surgeon was the first on the
continent, and that in Hanover, to introduce inoculation for
the small-pox.
The lover of literature should not pass unnoticed his Notice
of the Meibomian Collection of Medical MSS. preserved in the
Göttingen Library
In his Medicin. Biblioth. B. I, s. 368-377.
.
What has already been done goes some way to place Blumen-
bach’s merits and excellence in a right light. But the most
important of all have not been mentioned yet, and from their
exposition it will be clear how many things were united in one
man, of which each by itself would have gone far to confer
reputation upon the possessor.
The branches of learning in which the name of Blumenbach
shines forth without ceasing are physiology and comparative
anatomy. What he performed both by word of mouth and by
his writings in these departments, will all the less easily be
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forgotten by his fatherland, because foreign countries first took
a liking to these studies through him, and expressed their grati-
tude not only to him, but above all to German erudition.
The obscure learning of generation, nutrition, and repro-
duction received light and critical elucidation from him. If
after the lapse of sixty years since he first strenuously employed
his mind to sift the existing materials and make particular
investigations, more comprehensive results than he expected
have been obtained, still it is but just to observe, that his ideas
have certainly been expanded and here and there connected,
but have not in any way been controverted.
On the 9th of May, 1778, his observations upon green,
hydrae, then in the act of reproduction, first led him to the
comprehension, and afterwards to the further investigation of
the incredible activity of the powers of nature in the circle of
organized life. In 1780 appeared his essay On the Formative
Force and its Influence on Generation and Reproduction
Gött. Mag. 1780, s. 247-266.
; and
the next year the monograph, On the Formative Force and on
the Operations of Generation
1781. Then in the Comment. T. VIII. p. 41-68: De nisu formative et genera-
tionsnegotio.
1785. In all living creatures there is a peculiar, inherent, live-long
active energy, which first of all causes them to put on their definite appearance,
then to preserve it, and if it should be disturbed, as far as possible to restore it.
The theory of development from spermatic animalcule, or by means of panspermy,
he showed is without foundation. [A translation of this treatise by Dr. Crichton
was published in 1792, London, 12mo. Ed.]
. At the same time he expressed
himself On an uncommonly simple method of Propagation
Gött. Mag. 1781, st. 1, s. 80-89.
, –
namely, on that of the conferva in wells, whose mode of propa-
gation he had discovered on the 18th of February, 1781.
He sent in on the 25th of May a short reply to the question
proposed by the Academy of St. Petersburg, On the Force of
Nutrition
De nutritione ultra vasa. The prize was awarded Dec 4, 1788. The essays
sent in were 24. Nova Acta Sc. Petropol. T. VI. 1790: Histoire. Comp. Zwei
abhandl. über die Nutritionskraft,
K. F. Wolf, St. Petersb. 1789. (The second is
by C. F. Born.)
, which he wrote on the preceding day, and obtained
half the prize. He wrote some remarks on Troja’s experi-
ments on the production of new bone
Richter’s Chir. Bibliothek, B. VI. st. I, 1782, s. 107.
. On the occasion of
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The Generation of the Eye of a Water-Lizard, he communicated
in a sitting of this Society
Gött. gel. Anz. 1785, st. 47, s. 465.
the fact that he had amputated
four-fifths of the apple of the eye, and a new eye had been
produced.
With clear insight and unusual experience he distinguished
the anomalous
De anomalis et vitiosis quibusdam nisus formativi aberrationibus, 1812. Com-
ment. recent.
Vol. II. p. 3-20.
and morbid aberrations of the formative force,
and showed
Magazin für das N. aus der Physik. 1789, B. VI. st. I, s. 13.
how The Artificial or Accidental Mutilations in
Animals degenerate in Process of Time into Hereditary Marks.

His studies upon the formative force were taken up by great
thinkers, and were made use of, though with alterations of
expression and manner of representation, as foundations for
further developments, by Kant
With reference to Kant’s manner of expression, he remarked (Gött. gel. Anz.
1800, st. 62, s. 612), “that the ornithorynchus affords a speaking example of the
formative force, as showing the connection of those two principles, the mechanical
and the teleological, in the exhibition of an end being also a product of nature.”
in his Critique of the Under-
standing,
Fichte in the System of Morality, Schelling in the
Soul of the World, and Goethe in the Morphology. From this
he derived particular satisfaction, as it was a proof of their
solidity and productiveness.
His Elements of Physiology
Institutions Physiologicae, 1787. Amongst the many editions and transla-
tions of this work, Blumenbach set the most value upon the edition of Elliotson’s
translation, published by Bentley, London, 1814; because this was the first book
which was ever printed entirely by a machine. Comp. Gött. gel. Anz. 1818, st.
172, s. 1713.
is remarkable not less for the
elegance of its language, than, like all his books, for a well-
selected display of reading, and the profusion of his own
observations.
He busied himself much
De vi vitali sanguinis, 1787. Comment. Vol. IX. p. 1-13. And again on
the appearance of the posthumous work of John Hunter On the Blood, on the
occasion of the degree of seven candidates in 1795, the argument he gave was De
vi vitali sanguini deneganda, vita autem propria solidis quibusdam corp. hum.
partibus adserenda curae iteratae.
with the investigation, whether
a peculiar vital energy ought to be attributed to the blood,
or not. And also with the origin of the black colour of the
negroes
De gen. hum. var. nat. p. 122. ed. 3.
. He confirmed the principal discovery of Galvani,
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reposing on his own observations
Gött. gel. Anz. 1793, st. 32, s. 320.
. With respect to the eyes of
the Leucaethiopians
De oculis Leucoethiopum et iridis motu. 1784. Comm. Vol. VII. pp. 29-62.
Comp. Gött. gel. Anz. 1784, st. 175. Med. Bibliothek. B. II. s. 537-47.
and the movement of the iris, he took
great pains to ascertain their probable reasons by collecting
and criticizing the experiences of others, and by personal
observation. On the 23rd Aug. 1782, he examined two Albinos
at Chamouni.
In 1784 he discovered
Comment. Vol. VII. 1784, p. 46. Handbuch der vergl. Anat. Aufl. 3, s. 401.
, during the dissection of the eye of
a seal, the remarkable property by means of which these
animals are enabled to shorten or lengthen the axis of the eye-
ball at pleasure, so that they can see clearly just as well under
the water as in the air, two mediums of very different density.
He was the first
Prolus. anat. de sinibus frontal. 1779. His thesis on becoming ordinary Pro-
fessor. Comp. Gött. gel. Anz. 1779, s. 913-916.
who accurately distinguished the nature and
destination of the frontal sinuses, as also their condition in
disease. He showed the intersection of the optic nerves to be
a settled fact
Gött. gel. Anz. 1793, st. 34, s. 334.
. He would not adopt the belief in a muscular
coat of the gall-bladder
Ib. 1806, st. 135, s. 1352.
. With regard to the protrusion of the
eyes in the case of persons beheaded, he drew attention to the
fact that the phenomenon was not, as in the case of those who
have been hanged, caused entirely by congestion
Abhandl. der phys. med. societ. zu Erlangen. 1810, Th. I. s. 471.
. On the
opportunity of a communication On a ram which gives milk
Hannover Mag. 1787, st. 48, s. 753-762.
,
he expressed himself on the presence of milk in the breasts of
men, and attempted an explanation.
His History and Description of the Bones of the Human
Body
First in 1786, then in 1806.
, in which this naturally dry subject is treated in the
most interesting way and from fresh points of view, will always
retain an enduring value.
His Handbook of Comparative Anatomy
First in 1805.
was the first of
its kind, not only in Germany but throughout the learned
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world. Before his time there was no book on the totality of
this branch of learning; he was the first to find a place for it in
the circle of subjects of instruction. One of his earliest com-
munications was upon Alcyonellae in the Göttingen ponds
Gött. Mag. 1780, s. 117-127.
.
Then he furnished a running comparison between the warm
and cold-blooded animals
Specim. physiol. comp. inter animantia calidi et frigidi sanguinis, 1786. Comm.
Vol. VIII. pp. 69-100.
, and afterwards between the warm-
blooded viviparous and oviparous animals
Spec. phys. comp. int. anim. cal. sang. vivip. et ovip. 1788. Comm. Vol. IX.
pp. 108-129. Comp. Gött. gel. Anz. 1789, st. 8, s. 73-77. In this treatise he
also gave his views upon the appearance of yellow corpuscles in the unimpregnated
ovum; on the formation of the double heart; on the period when the ribs are pro-
duced in the embryo.
. Nor can we pass
over in silence his remarks upon the structure of the Orni-
thorynchus
De Ornithorynchi paradoxi fabrica observ. quaedam anat. Mem. de la soc.
med. d’Emulation,
T. IV. Paris, 1779, pp. 320-323. Gött. gel. Anz. 1800, s.
609-612.
, on the bill
Spec. phys. comp. int. anim. cal. sang. vivip. et ovip. 1789.
of the duck and toucan, and on the
sack in the reindeer’s neck
Gött. gel. Anz. 1783, st. 7, s. 68.
.
Inasmuch as Blumenbach regarded physiology as the true
foundation of the science of medicine, it is not difficult to per-
ceive from what point of view his contributions to practical
medicine are to be criticized: besides, he let slip no opportunity
of proving his sympathy in that particular direction. Thus he
gave his opinions on the frequency of ruptures in the Alps
In his Medic. Bibliothek. B. I. s. 725.
; on
nostalgia
Ib. s. 732. Comp. Schlözer’s Correspondence, Th. III. 1778, s. 231.
, on melancholy
Med. Bib. B. II. s. 163-173.
and suicide in Switzerland; on the
expulsion of a scolopendra electrica
Feuer-assel. Comp. J. L. Welge, Diss. de morbis sinuum frontalium.
Götting. 1786, 4to. § IV. p. 10.
from the nose; and on
a case of water in the head of seventeen years’ standing
“über den sogennant Wagler’schen.” Med. Bibl. B. III. s. 616-639.
. He
also contributed to the extension of the science of medicine
by experiments
Med. Bib. B. I. s. 173.
with gases on live animals, and by the commu-
nication
Contributions to the Materia Medica from the University Museum of Göttingen.
Ib. B. I. s. 166-171.
of a new sort of dragon’s blood from Botany Bay on
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the east coast of New Holland, and by a description of the
true Winter’s bark.
Blumenbach’s reputation as a learned man was so great,
that every hint of his was considered and followed up, as that
On the best methods of putting together collectanea and extracts
Ib. B. II. s. 547.
;
and his works, especially his handbooks, stood in such esteem,
that authors and booksellers
He wrote a preface to Gmelin’s Geschichte der thierisch. u. mineral. gifte. Er-
furt, 1805.
alike considered a preface from
him as the best recommendation for their works. In this way
he introduced Cheselden’s Anatomy
German by A. F. Wolf. Götting. 1789.
, Neergard’s
Berlin, 1806. In the preface Blumenbach speaks of the influence of Com-
parative Anatomy on the philosophic study of natural history in general, and on
the physiology of the human body and the medical knowledge of beasts in
particular.
Comparative
Anatomy and Physiology of the Digestive Organs,
and Gilbert
Blane’s
Göttingen, 1819.
Elements of Medical Logic.
I must take notice here of one branch of learning, in which
Blumenbach had scarce his like, I mean his familiarity with
voyages and travels. All the books of the sort in the library
of this place he had read through over and over again, and
made extracts of, and prepared a triple analysis, namely, one
arranged geographically, a chronological and an alphabetical
one. To this occupation, as ho frequently took occasion to
mention, he owed no small part of his knowledge; and for his
researches in natural history and ethnography it was a most
solid foundation.
He himself bad made but few long journeys
When he wanted to take a journey for recreation, he liked going to the
widowed Princess Christiana von Waldeck at Arolsen, who had proved herself very
useful to him; or to Pyrmont, or to Gotha, Rehburg, Weimar, and Dresden.
in proportion,
only through a part of Switzerland
In 1783.
and Holland to England,
or rather to London
In 1791-92.
, which afterwards he used to say was to
the sixth part of the world; and a diplomatical one to Paris,
in order, during the time of the kingdom of Westphalia, to
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propitiate the good will of Napoleon for the University, on
which occasion De Lacepede was his advocate and guide. He
kept a journal on his travels, in which he made short notes
of all that was worth noticing. Up to this time very few of
these very multifarious remarks have been made public
Remarks on some travels in Waldeck collected in Schlözer’s Brief-wechsel,
Th. III. 1778, st. 16, s. 229-237. Then: Some Remarks upon Natural History on
the occasion of a Swiss journey.
In Magaz. für das neueste aus der Physik, B. IV.
st. 3, 1787, s. I; B. v. st. I, 1778, s. 13.
.
He published a translation of the medical observations in
the second part of Ives’ Travels
The remaining part of this Voyage to India was translated by Dohm. Leipz.
1775.
; he wrote a Preface to the first
part of the Collection of Rare Travels
Memmingen, 1789.
, and a Preface and
Remarks to Volkmann’s translation of Bruce’s Travels
Leipzig, 1790, in five volumes.
!
It is not perhaps too much to assert, what I may be allowed
to say here, that the desire which was aroused in many most
distinguished men to undertake great expeditions for the sake
of natural history, and the results, which have accrued in con-
sequence to the knowledge of the earth and of mankind, were
particularly prompted through the medium of Blumenbach.
Hornemann
On July 2, 1794 Hornemann first of all expressed a wish to his teacher
to travel into the interior of Africa. Zach’s Geogr. Ephem. B. I. Weimar, 1798,
s. 116-120, s. 368-371, and in B. III. s. 193. Blumenbach gave a public notice
of this active young man and of the fortunate completion of his plan.
, Alex. von Humboldt, Langsdorf, Seetzen, Rönt-
gen, Sibthorp, Prince Max von Neuwied, were and are his
grateful pupils.
Amongst the unknown, or, at all events, the insufficiently
appreciated services of Blumenbach to literature belong his
beyond measure numerous reviews, which he continued to write
for a long series of years, not only in the Bibliothek, which
he edited himself, but also particularly in the Göttingische
gelehrte Anzeige,
on all the books in his various provinces. His
first criticism was upon Xenocrates, On the Aliment in Aquatic
Animals,
in 1773, in Walch’s Philological Library
B. II. st. 6, s. 533. Blumenbach corrected and added to the edition of Xeno-
crates περι τῆς απο των ενυδρων τροφῆς by Franz.
.
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He himself had in the beginning to experience how unfairly
and carelessly reviews are often scribbled off
When his Handbook of Natural History had been not only awkwardly but
inconsiderately criticized, he wrote his On a literary incident worth notice, which
unfortunately is no rarity
in Gött. Mag. 1780, s. 467-484.
. He always
adhered to the rule of separating the man from the thing, and
tried to make his judgment as objective as possible, and not
to pervert the scientific judgment-seat with which he was
entrusted to gratifying his personal likes or dislikes. His
reviews may be known by their convincing brevity, their clear
exposition of the essential points, the witticisms scattered here
and there, and the instructive observations and remarks of
the writer.
One of his manuscript observations is worthy of notice,
which I found in a pocket-book that he once allowed me to
examine, because it explains to some extent how the facility
and power of finishing off work of this kind became in a
certain sense habitual to him. It is as follows: ‘In church,
which we continually attended, I was always obliged whilst at
school to write down an abstract of the sermon. This has been
since of the greatest utility to me in my reading, extracting,
reviewing, and in many matters of business, &c., for it has
enabled me to detect the essential point with rapidity, to
exhibit it, and briefly to express it again.’
Although Blumenbach beyond all others was involved in few
literary feuds
On one with his old colleague Meiners, comp. Beitr. zur Naturg. Aufl. I.
1790, Th. I. s. 62.
, and it did not easily happen that any of his
reviews occasioned him any complaint
His criticism on Kampf’s new method of curing the most obstinate disorders
of the abdomen (Med. Bibl. B. II. st. I), was however taken ill by him, but after-
wards was the subject of open thanks to Blumenbach, in the second edition of that
book, Leipz. 1786, s. 366.
or enmity, still he could
not help frequently calling things by their right names, and
displaying false celebrities in their nakedness
As in the review of Sander’s Travels. Gött. gel. Anz. 1784, st. 27.
.
And now we must turn our attention from Blumenbach the
author, to the Göttingen professor, to whose lecture-rooms youth
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and age alike pressed, in order to receive words of lasting
instruction from the wit and humour which overflowed from
his mouth.
The undivided approval, which was paid to his discourses,
underwent no diminution in his extreme old age, and he gave
up teaching, not because either the wish or the power failed
him, or because he suffered any diminution of audience or sym-
pathy, but solely in accordance with the entreaties of his friends.
He knew well how in a very singular and inimitable way to
unite the valuable with the amusing, the relation of dry facts
and scientific deductions with wit and humour, and to season
them with keen well-pointed anecdotes. Every one enjoyed the
lecture. Grave or gay, every one went away stimulated and
the better for it.
As listeners came to him from all parts of the world and
went home full of his praises, his name was carried into coun-
tries where previously German literati had been little thought
of. With a letter of recommendation from Blumenbach, a man
might have travelled in all the zones of the earth.
He had the art of never giving too much, of confining him-
self to the principal points, and of deeply impressing what was
essential by well-varied repetitions. He assisted the compre-
hension by appealing to the senses in every way; by outlines
which he drew with chalk on a board, by the exhibition of
copies and preparations, by happy quotations of well-known
sayings. He laid stress on the fact, that from him might be
learnt the art of observing; but that it is necessary, according
to circumstances, to listen, smell, and taste.
He made it plain, that he held no propositions such as could
be written out prettily on law-paper; his subject was the entire
man, his whole inner activity in representation, comparison, and
connection.
The means he employed to obtain this result were indeed
manifold, but it is very difficult to give a satisfactory account of
them; they are too much bound up with his peculiar personal
appearance. One must have heard him speak himself, with the
expressive play of countenance, the remarkable tone of voice,
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which now fell upon the ear in sharp abrupt sentences, now.
carried your senses along with him in overwhelming cadences,
and with the imposing effect with which he knew how, to some
extent, to throw life into the natural objects before him and
bring them into unexpected relations.
I could give many examples
For the sake of example I will give an inkling of them. He wished people
would accustom themselves to get a clear and definite notion of subjects, and to
reproduce the whole from a part, for, said he, “I cannot bring everything into the
lecture, as the elephant or rhinoceros.”
He tried also to prevent people from deriving false ideas from their impressions
and observations: viz. “If you wish to form an idea of the lowest depth to which
men have descended in the interior of the earth, pile up your library at home, your
Corpus Juris, your ecclesiastical history, and medical books, until you have put
12,000 leaves, that is, 24,000 pages one upon the other. And how far do you
think we have got into the heart of the earth? just so far as the first and second
leaf in thickness. And yet people are not ashamed to speak of the kernel of the
earth. When the poet speaks of the bowels of the earth, we ought to translate
‘the epidermis of the earth.’
He knew his audience so well, that if he wanted to get anything, he felt no
necessity for making long manoeuvres, still less for finding fault. He appealed to
the sense of what was right and proper, not with pathetic demonstrations, but
cursorily, as by an electric shock. If, for instance, he saw that his subjects were
handled rudely as they went round, he called out with an intelligible gesture;
“They are best laid on your coat-lappet or on cotton; but I know one word is
better than an hundred-weight of cotton.”
Sometimes he was fond of speaking in aphorisms, leaving the connecting links
to be made out by his attentive hearers, though he always stirred up and set in
motion the most apathetic by his overflowing humour. Once, for instance, when
lecturing on natural history, he told the story how they shaved a bear, and gave
him out as a new sort of man. “A beast in Göttingen, in whom Buffon would
have discovered a good deal that was human: – it showed one particular trait of
modesty, because it would not allow its stockings to be taken off. Behind the
stove in the Golden Angel was the creature in question to be found, clad in a Hus-
sar’s coat with an over-cloak. The breast was visible – of a most inviting colour.
The mouth was silent; large claws with long ruffles – a Hussar with ruffles. – That
was something to think of. – Now I’m the man who gives the lectures here on
natural history, the lecture-room is gone mad; – you show me this evening the
beast as God created it, or rather as you have shaved it, or I shall stand for
nothing, for it is no laughing matter to play with the Professor in his lecture-room.
The man’s hair stood up with fright, like spikes: later in the day Blumenbach was
present at its evening toilette. The waistcoat had been nailed to it.”
Sometimes he did not disdain to say a word of fun to the students: viz.
“Many exegetists think that the whale cast out the prophet Jonah, because where
a horse can find a place, a prophet might do so too. Blumenbach however stands
rather by the opinion of Hermann von der Hardt in Helmstadt, who has written
a very nasty commentary on that man of God; that he lodged in Nineveh at the
Whale; that his cash ran out; the landlord would give him no more credit – he
was turned out of the club; or – the Whale cast him out.”
Or; “John Hunter used to inquire whether it was not possible for men to be
thrown into the chrysalis state: – that would be good for the conscription, forced
loans, or when the student is summoned; ‘No, no, says the chambermaid, our
master is become a chrysalis.’
of his numerous clever and
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humorous illustrations, but I should be afraid, that deprived of
the spirit of his pantomimic representation, and unsupported
by his cheerful but still highly imposing delivery, they might
easily appear in a false light.
It might sometimes have seemed that Blumenbach attached
too much value to the singular and the curious, but when any
one came to look into the matter more closely, he soon became
convinced, that though what was extraordinary attracted him
above all things, still, it was principally because it had remained
unnoticed by others, or because it served him as a means,
through which he could direct the attention to what was truly
worth knowing. His business was with knowledge and expla-
nation; yet he knew too well that the majority of men must
have miracles to make them believe.
In literature he sometimes mentioned long-forgotten and
obsolete works, and noticed with particular emphasis such as
were not to be found in the royal library; but all that was only
to excite the love of learning, and keep it at full stretch. Per-
haps no teacher understood so well as he how to instil by the
way a lasting interest in literature, and to accompany the ac-
quaintance with the best and most select with opportune
remarks.
The extraordinary reputation which remained to the famous
teacher in full strength for more than half a century may
partly be attributed to the influence of authority, which was
then of more weight than it is now; partly perhaps to the
more comprehensive view that though the University was in
other ways crowded with teachers, he had no rival in his par-
ticular province; partly that he in all his outward circumstances
and through his continuous good health was in a position to
concentrate on his immediate objects all the materials which
stood in his power; still we cannot help always admiring the
greatness of his personality, and the wonderful insight and con-
sistency with which he knew how to keep all this together.
For a long period of time he continued to be the chief centre
of instruction at Göttingen.
Not only did fathers send their sons, but grandfathers their
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grandchildren, in order that these might hear Blumenbach as
they had done themselves, and so participate in that particular
kind of learning, which had remained so singularly indelible in
their recollection. Many first heard of Göttingen through its
connection with Blumenbach, and lighted by his star, journeyed
to the place of his operations.
In the summer of 1776 he arranged for the public vivisec-
tions and physiological experiments on living animals in the
great theatre. Also in 1777 he gave there public readings on
the natural history of mankind. In the same year he gave
lectures on the dissection of the domestic animals of the coun-
try. Though he began very early to treat upon comparative
osteology, it was not till after 1785 that he gave lessons on
comparative anatomy in general. For a long time he delivered
lectures on pathology, after Gaub, on the history of authorities
on medicine and physiology, and at last in the winter term of
1836-37 on natural history, which he read 118 times.
The three English princes, who had arrived here on the 6th
July 1785, attended the course on natural history in the winter
of 1786
With which agrees the passage of Heyne (Opusc. Vol. IV. p. 243), “the
royal princes of Great Britain attended the lectures of some of the Professors, and
were seen on the benches of the audience.”
. Nor did the present king of Bavaria, then crown-
prince, disdain to take his seat on the allotted benches, and in
August, 1803, Blumenbach was his companion in the Harz as far
as Magdeburg. This same royal patron of the sciences never
forgot his student’s time, or his teacher individually, as he
proved not only by sending him valuable presents, especially
the skull of an ancient Greek and his order of merit, but par-
ticularly by this, that he despatched in 1829 the present Crown-
prince to be the alumnus of the Georgia Augusta and of Blu-
menbach. When our king, on the occasion of the hundred-
year jubilee feast of the University, honoured us with his
illustrious presence, he did not omit to visit his old preceptor
in the house which he had so often entered as a student.
Blumenbach was a born professor; in this occupation he
sought and found his satisfaction and his pride. What he
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prompted and accomplished in that capacity is seen from the
history of the literati of later years; innumerable are those
who prize him as their teacher, benefactor, and friend. Who
can enumerate the dedications in great and small books which
were offered to him from far and near, partly out of gratitude,
partly as expressions of praise and recognition? Out of all the
great number of dissertations which have appeared here, the
best have been accomplished with and through him. Read
the words of affection and love in the elder Sömmerring’s
inaugural dissertation on Blumenbach
De basi Encephali. Gött. 1778, 4to. And Baldinger’s title to it: Epitome neu-
rologiae physiologico-pathologicae,
and in the Curriculum vitae Sömmerring, p. 15:
“Exc. Blumenbach was not only my most desirable instructor in general zoology,
mineralogy, physiology, pathology, the particular history of man, and in relating
the traditions of medicine, but also a distinguished patron, who deigned to treat me
as a friend. Such was his kindness that he not only often took me as his companion
in his zoological and mineralogical excursions, but also in his vivisections and ex-
periments, which he carried on at his own expense in order to illustrate publickly
the physiological part of natural history, he permitted me most kindly to give him
my personal and manual assistance.”
, which has since become
so famous, and you will want nothing more.
When his pupil Rudolphi, in conjunction with Stieglitz and
Lodemann, who had equally been instructed by him in science,
canvassed the German physicians, in order to celebrate the doc-
tor’s jubilee of their great teacher in a worthy manner, all to
whom he had been a leader either by speech or writing rose
like one man, and perpetuated the recollection of the event with
a medal
The dedication runs: Viro illustri Germaniae decori diem semisecularem
Physiophili Germanici laete gratulantur. On the medal are drawn an European,
Ethiopian, and Mongolian skull with the legend: Naturae interpreti, ossa loqui
jubenti Physiophili Germanici. d. 19 Sept. 1825. [Wood-cuts from this medal
have been given on the title-page. Ed.]
, and by the foundation of a travelling scholarship
The value of the travelling scholarship was 600 gold thalers. Comp. Gött.
gel. Anz.
1829, st. 73, s. 721.
.
The naturalists of his day endeavoured to recognize the ser-
vices of the Nestor of their science by naming after him plants,
animals, and stones. It was for him a particular pleasure, that
on the morning of the day of his doctor’s jubilee (Sept. 18,
1825), his colleague Schrader showed him a drawing of the
new kind of plant, Blumenbachia insignis
Comp. Comment. Soc. R. Sc. Gött. Vol. VI. 1828, p. 91-138. – A Blumen-
bachia multifida is drawn and described in Curtis’ Botanical Magazine, Vol. 64,
1837. Pl. 3599.
.
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Although the confidence of the world in the learning of the
aged veteran rested on firm foundations, still notwithstanding
that he never left off continually improving it, for he was
always putting fresh life into what he knew, and endeavouring
to add new matter to his acquisitions. In his pocket-book we
find the following remark made in later days. “Although I
have been many years now delivering lectures, still up to this
time I have never once been into the lecture-room without
having prepared myself afresh, and specially for every particu-
lar hour, because I know from experience how much injury
many teachers have done to themselves, by considering as
unnecessary these perpetual preparations for lectures, which
they have read already twenty times and more.”
Blumenbach never, above all, allowed himself to repose
upon his happy natural advantages, but was always endeavour-
ing without ceasing to procure for them the greatest possible
development. Only I may remark here, that his manner of
speaking and writing never grew old, but on the contrary
remained interesting and in many respects masterly, and was
such as to fix the attention of hearer and reader in a remark-
able way.
It is worth while to bring into notice the following extract
from his note-book, which is intimately connected with the
solidity and repose of his delivery. “Amongst the rules on
which my father most strongly insisted in our education, was
one especially, that when we had once commenced a sentence
with a certain form of construction we must go on with it, and try
to carry it out completely, and we were never allowed to begin
over again, and join another construction on to the first. This was
afterwards of great assistance to me towards an easy delivery.”
Blumenbach not only developed himself into a most superior
teacher by natural talent, reflection and experience, but he also
possessed both by practice and by natural advantages the gift,
in ordinary conversation, of bringing out the main points in his
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answers and stories, partly by short terse sentences, partly by
unexpected hints. He was always lucky enough to hit the nail
on the head, to bring the subject into a fresh position, and to
attack it in new and interesting ways. He would sometimes
describe reason as “the desire of perfecting oneself, or the
determination to accommodate oneself to circumstances,”
and
his manner both of address and of doing business was a standing
commentary on this definition.
Generally he preferred listening to speaking; frequently he
would only let fall isolated sentences, leaving people to guess
at the connection; he avoided direct contradiction, and was
pleased when his meaning was understood, without his having
been obliged to express himself in so many words. In this way
he spared the personal feelings of others, gladly recognized
assistance from without, and was tender to human weaknesses,
especially the vanity of authorship
He was of opinion that this in respect of opinions upon it, might fairly stand
upon the same footing as personal beauty. Hence he used to remark on the
latter: “If a toad could speak and were asked which was the loveliest creature
upon God’s earth, it would say simpering, that modesty forbad it to give a real
opinion on that point.”
In his pronunciation he followed ordinary usage, quoting Horace, ‘quem penes
arbitrium est, et jus, et norma loquendi.’
He used Adelung as a decisive authority,
and that dictionary always lay by the side of his table. Purists were a nuisance
to him. To call granite kornistein, he said, made him shudder.
He always tried to correct the improper use of definite words, especially with a
view to the language of natural history: viz. ‘My canary bird sings beautifully.’
‘To hear a canary bird sing I would go ten miles; but perhaps it pipes.‘Yes, pipes,
sings.’
‘Ah, ah, now we understand each other.’
.
Grammar had sometimes to give way in his cursory dis-
course for his immediate objects. In other respects his talk,
just like above all his style and delivery, was the result of con-
scious deliberation. In his note-book I find written down the
following remark: “In the delivery of my lectures, as in my
writings, I have always endeavoured to follow Quintilian’s
pattern! This is it. I
Instit. orator. l. III. c. I. Ludg. Bat. 1720, p. 211.
tried to throw in some brilliancy, not
for the sake of displaying my genius, but that in this way I
might more readily attract youth to the acquaintance of those
things which are considered necessary for study. For it seemed
probable that if the lecture had anything pleasant in it they
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